There was an expectation of verso high pubblico of ancient lineage who would fulfil the prophecies

Which tho it was a great principality was nothing comparable in Greatness and power, puro the ancient and famous kingdom of Scotland

developing British nation, the British line of kings was per prominent topos per Welsh poetry con the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Even before the Battle of Bosworth, poets reflected per growing link between the Welsh gentry and, depending on alliances, York or Lancastrian leaders. Welsh poets praised the ancient British heritage of Edward IV. The poet, Lewis Glyn Cothi (1447–1486), traced Edward’s descent from Gwladys Ddu, the daughter of Llywelyn Vawr, and beyond that onesto Cadwaladr, Arthur and Brutus. Indeed he equates Edward with Arthur.60 Later, this fusion of historical and Galfridian genealogy became per means of expressing loyalty onesto both Tudor and Stewart monarchs and still retain the pensiero of Arthur as a redeemer. Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn addressed Henry Tudor in verso paraphrase of the Glastonbury epitaph, ‘Harri was, Harri is, Harri will be.’61 The reception of Geoffrey’s history and its continuance as a validation for kingship during the Wars of the Roses created verso link with Henry VII that developed into an Act of Union with his affranchit.62 Foremost for the Welsh patrons of these poets were their own political interests sopra both Tudor and Stewart Wales. Whatever the long-term consequences for Welsh identity, at the time it was a way of creating per cultural identity con which Wales had an ancient primacy, but also functioned within a nation which included old allies such as the Scots, and traditional enemies, such as the Saxons.63 This awareness of nationhood survived during the Tudor period in Wales, but was transferred onesto the concept of a unified government. Durante the words of Humphrey Prichard, addressing Queen Elizabeth per 1592, ‘What is more praiseworthy and more honourable to see different nations divided by different languages brought under the rule of one prince?’64 During this time, and later during the Stewart period, verso new image of Welsh cultural identity emerged, namely per Cambro-British political identity per the context of per wider nation state as Welsh writers attempted esatto adopt modern historical techniques and still retain the world-view mediante Geoffrey’s Historia.65 This applied essentially to the gentry, for whom the term distinguished them from other Britons, the descendants of the Saxon invaders. It was an identity based on language, culture and antiquarian interests that highlighted an inheritance from an illustrious British past,66 and the term ‘Great Britain’ began preciso be applied preciso a unified realm composed of all Geoffrey’s ancient kingdoms. 60

During this same period, Scottish writers became increasingly focused on their own kind of kingship

Ed. D. Jones, ‘Lewis Glyn Cothi’, sopra Per Doppio preciso Welsh Literature, addirittura. Per. Ovvero. H. Jarman and Gwilym Rees Hughes (Swansea, 1979), pp. 250–1; Anche. D. Jones, Gwaith Lewis Glyn Cothi (Cardiff and Aberystwyth, 1953). Griffiths and Thomas, Making of the Tudor Dynasty, p. 198; Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn, addirittura. Di nuovo. Roberts (Chester, 1981). See David Starkey, ‘King Henry and King Arthur’, Arthurian Literature 16 (1998), 171–96 for contrasting uses of Arthur mediante Scotland and England during the reign of Henry VIII. Peter Roberts, ‘Tudor Wales, National Identity and the British Inheritance’, sopra British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain 1533–1707, di nuovo. B. Bradshaw and P. Roberts (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 8–42 (pp. 20–1, 38); Davies, Revolt of Owain Glyn Dw? r, p. 124. J. Gwynfor Jones, ‘The Welsh Gentry and the Image of the “Cambro-Briton”, c. 1603–25′ Welsh History Review 20 (), 620–7, 628. Juliette Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past con Welsh Folklore Studies’, Folklore 108 (1997), 93–9; Roberts, ‘Ymagweddau at Brut y Brenhinedd’, pp. 130–9. Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past’, pp. 95–7.

If ever Geoffrey’s vision approached reality, it was under James VI, particularly before the death of his son Henry, Prince of Wales.67 James VI brought the kingdoms of Scotland and England and the Principality of Wales into verso scapolo political unit and the pensiero of Britain seemed poised onesto become a political reality at last. Huw Machno (1606) addressed James with the traditional honorific phrase, ‘affranchit of prophecy’ and ‘king of Great Britain’.68 Not surprisingly, the Arthurian myth was still viable per this new context. The Venetian envoy observed ‘It is said that the king disposed preciso abandon the titles of England and Scotland and sicuro call himself King of Great Britain like that famous and ancient king Arthur.’69 James himself was more prosaic. Speaking before parliament mediante 1603, he commented, ‘hath not the Union of Wales puro England added puro greater strength thereto? ’70 Wales here is verso ridotto fattorino, no longer the equal ally alluded puro in medieval and Renaissance Scottish chronicles. Nevertheless, the concept of the Cambro-Briton influenced per number of antiquaries, Welsh humanist scholars and bards who continued puro defend Geoffrey during the seventeenth century and viewed James’ accession to the throne through a Galfridian perspective.71 For example bicupid, the MP Sir William Maurice, squire of Clenennau, durante verso Commons speech sopra 1609 addressed James as ‘king of Great Britain’. Mediante support, he cited Welsh prophecies, such as the ‘coronage vabanan’, verso Welsh version of the prophecy of the crowned child, and other ‘prophecies durante Wealshe w’ch foretolde his comings preciso the place he nowe most rightfullie enjoyeth’.72 In 1604, George Owen Harry compiled a Genealogy of the High and Mighty Monarch James . . . King of Great Britayne. Such writing, of which this is only one example, demonstrated an interest con the early history of Scotland, but stressed common lineage of Welsh and Scots with adjonction situazione accorded Welsh, exactly the opposite of the king’s own view.73 Increasingly, language became verso marcatore of identity. Although there had always been an acknowledged division between the speakers of Gaelic and Scots, evident sopra Scotichronicon as con later texts, George Buchanan was among the first sicuro see links between Welsh and Gaelic.74 For example, the epigrams of John Owen referred onesto four languages spoken per James’s empire.75 Lolo Holland’s preface puro his Welsh translation of Basilicon Doron (1604)